The apparently marginalised position of the Liberal Party in Britain belies the continued relevance of liberalism to British politics. The coalition from 2010 to 2015 was based, in part, on the attraction of the leadership faction, in charge since the departure of Menzies Campbell, of the Liberal Democrats to the 'small state', austerity and free market agenda of Cameron and Osborne. It is undeniably true that certain Liberal Democrat politicians, such as David Laws, Jeremy Brown and Nick Clegg himself, found an ideological affinity to the ideas of certain Conservative politicians. The conflicts in the coalition occurred when the LibDems discovered (to their rather naive surprise) just how far Osborne was prepared to go in cutting the welfare state ; and when the LibDems opposed the nationalist and populist parts of the Conservative agenda, particularly the immigration policies promoted by Theresa May as Home Secretary. It also has to be said that the Liberal Democrats had lost the habit of power, and the ruthlessness and cunning which always have to go with it, qualities which were never in short supply in their Coalition partners. To this well-meaning, but lethal, gullibility, has to be attributed the Liberal Democrats' fateful failure to insist on proportional representation as a price for entering the Coalition in 2010. (Their broken promise on student fees pales into insignificance beside this historic missed opportunity).
The Liberal Democrats' preoccupation with Brexit since 2016 is completely understandable. Brexit is a direct challenge to Liberal values of internationalism, universalism, rationality and progress ; in its wake, Brexit brings several features of political life which liberals find extremely distasteful, such as mindless conformity, xenophobia, flag-waving nationalism, populism, and irrationality. I happen to agree with this perspective. However, there is a danger on concentrating exclusively on Brexit. The public has probably forgotten that the Liberal Democrats stand for anything else. Having staked everything on Brexit in the election of 2019, the Liberal Democrats now appear to be superfluous. This would be a great pity (I speak as a democratic socialist, and so a political opponent), not only because political life becomes more healthy if there are many voices, but also because liberalism has a valuable contribution to make to British politics. Its historical emphases on accountable and transparent public and private power, internationalism, pluralism, resistance to the tyranny of majorities and conformist public opinion and the value of human individuality are all extremely salient. I also have to admit to an ulterior motive: if the Liberal Democrats fade into insignificance, it will become more difficult for the Labour Party ever to attain power. Electoral success for the Liberals/Liberal Democrats has often, but not invariably, helped the Labour Party.
Here are my tentative suggestions for a revival of British liberalism.
First, the cause of proportional representation is not lost. This issue addresses the persistent wastage of votes in elections, as well as constraining the dangers of one-party rule.
Second, the coronavirus crisis has exposed the dangers of over-centralised government. The state's reliance on 'command and control' edicts, and its marginalisation of local government, have cost lives. The Liberals and Liberal Democrats have, since the days of Gladstone, championed federalism, devolution and decentralisation. They should take up this cause, and should advocate the reversal of the evisceration of local government, which has taken place over many years, under both Conservative and Labour governments.
Third, Liberal Democrats should challenge the practical consequences of 'neoliberalism', liberalism's monstrous progeny, which is a caricature of one aspect of liberalism. They should oppose opaque and unaccountable concentrations of private power, particularly those monopolistic providers of 'outsourced' and privatised central government functions (G4, Serco, Capita).
Fourth, the Liberal Democrats should oppose more strenuously the imposition of mindless conformity and inhuman managerialism on the education system than they have hitherto done. (Again, this has occurred under both Labour and Conservative governments). The consequence of this is that too many children's education is subject to the pressures of continual exams, and is inimical to human individuality and flourishing, and the Liberal Democrats should say it on every possible occasion.
Fifth, the Liberal Democrats, in the interests of promoting a pluralistic society and economy, should advocate alternative models of economic ownership, such as co-operatives and mutuals, as they have done in the past.
Sixth, the Liberal Democrats should oppose a concept of foreign policy ('Global Britain') which appears to be founded solely on commercial expediency, ludicrous military power projection, and arms trading. If Britain has any aspiration to be a good global citizen, its relationship to the world needs to be different, and we need to play our full part in all multilateral bodies.
Seventh, the Liberal Democrats should oppose restrictions on human rights, such as the arbitrary detention of those who breach our increasingly restrictive and inhuman immigration laws ; or state databases based on surveillance. The possible advent of 'bio-surveillance', in the wake of coronavirus, should be of concern to every liberal.
Seventh, the Liberal Democrats should not cease to advocate re-joining the EU. (The Labour Party sadly cannot advocate this, because of the fragmentation of its electoral base on this issue). The issue of our membership of the EU has not been 'settled' by the referendum in 2016, whatever conventional wisdom says, any more than it was 'settled' by the referendum in 1975. Weariness with a certain issue does not brush away political and economic realities.
Liberalism's disappearance would mark a withering and impoverishment of our political life. I hope that it continues to survive.